In addition to other repressive tactics, the Georgian Dream (GD) party has increasingly weaponised the criminal justice system against protesters and civil activists to stifle dissent and silence opposition voices. Most recently, proposed amendments to the "Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations" significantly curtail the right to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. On February 6, the GD-dominated parliament passed changes to the law in the third reading, further weakening guarantees for protecting these fundamental rights. The changes:
- Drastically increase fines for administrative offenses;
- Extend administrative detention from 15 to 60 days;
- Criminalise public calls for violence with up to 3 years in prison;
- Classify resisting or threatening police officers as serious crimes punishable by 5-10 years in prison; and
- Introduce a new offense of insulting a public official.
With the new restrictive amendments, freedom of assembly in Georgia has become largely symbolic in practice.
Sweeping legislative crackdown, with restrictions on civil society, independent media and public dissent
The amendments also come amid further harmful legislation proposed, including:
- A more restrictive law to broaden the scope of the Law On Transparency of Foreign Influence;
- A new media law to tighten state control over independent journalism: the government’s power to define "media objectivity" could increase censorship and suppress critical reporting. The government also plans to restrict access to foreign funding sources, which could have devastating consequences for the already struggling media;
- The removal of existing legal guarantees for CSO participation in public decision-making processes;
- The introduction of a state-managed grant system for the civil sector, effectively controlling funding distribution. Greater state control and financial dependency on the government could severely limitcivil society orgaisations' autonomy, making it more difficult for them to operate without political interference.
New amendments unduly restrict people’s right to protest
One of the most alarming developments is the amendment to the Criminal Code and Administrative Offenses Code. These increase the fines for taking part in unauthorised demonstrations and criminalise certain methods of protest. Covering the face with a mask during protests, possession of laser or light-emitting devices and illegal wearing of police or military uniforms or similar clothing are new offences introduced, punishable by a fine of 2,000 GEL (approximately 700 EUR).
Furthermore, the amendments to the Criminal Code introduce the extremely vague punishable offence of "intentional disruption of public order during assemblies", granting law enforcement broader authority to detain individuals suspected of participating in protests. The legislation also increased penalties for resisting law enforcement during demonstrations, with potential prison terms now ranging from 5 to 10 years.
These amendments, initiated on January 29 and announced by GD parliamentary majority leader Mamuka Mdinaradze then passed in the third reading on February 6 in accelerated process. They expand the government’s ability to silence opposition and restrict civil liberties.
The key changes obstructing people’s right to protest include:
- Expanded organisers' liability;
- Restrictions on spontaneous protests;
- Limitations on protests in enclosed spaces: Protests in closed spaces or buildings now require written consent from the property owner, significantly restricting student and workplace demonstrations. This provision appears to be a direct response to recent protests on university campuses;
- Expanded penalties for protest-related offenses: Petty hooliganism fines have risen from GEL 500-1,000 to GEL 500-2,000 (from maximum approximately 350-700 EUR) , with imprisonment now up to 20 days instead of 15. Verbal insults towards police officers now carry fines of GEL 2,000 5,000 (approx. 700-1750 EUR) or up to 60 days’ imprisonment. Repeat offenses can result in a GEL 3,500-6,000 ( 1200–2100 EUR) fine and extended jail terms. Additionally, individuals accused of "disrupting public order" face severe criminal penalties, including up to 3 years in prison;
- New restrictions on symbolic protest actions: Covering one's face, possessing a laser or light-emitting device, or wearing clothing resembling police or military uniforms during assemblies are now punishable by fines of GEL 2,000 ( 700 EUR) or imprisonment up to 7 days. Such measures are expected to disproportionately impact younger protesters and student-led movements;
- Broadened law enforcement powers: The Ministry of Internal Affairs now holds increased authority over protest regulation, including the power to block protests that allegedly threaten public order or constitutional stability. Authorities can now use "emergency measures" to disperse gatherings, including mass arrests and prolonged detentions;
- Increased state control over protest logistics: Protesters are now required to ensure that demonstrations do not obstruct transportation routes. Organisers must take action within 15 minutes of a warning to remove roadblocks or temporary structures, failing which they will face criminal liability;
- Participation in protests previously dispersed by law enforcement is now classified as an offense, subjecting demonstrators to legal consequences.
Given that the median salary in Georgia in 2023 was GEL 1,238 (approximately 400 EUR), these fines represent a disproportionate financial burden on protesters, effectively discouraging civic engagement and public demonstrations.
Over 400 people detained for protesting, majority beaten by police officers
In the past two months, Georgia has witnessed a significant escalation in the arrest and detention of protesters and civil activists. Since the suspension of European Union accession talks in November 2024, over 400 individuals have been arrested during protests, according to police reports.
On February 2, the police detained several opposition figures, including Nika Melia and former Tbilisi Mayor Giorgi Ugulava, during protests demanding new parliamentary elections. The arrests were part of a broader crackdown on dissent, with reports of excessive force and mass detentions by law enforcement.
Human rights organisations have raised concerns about the treatment of detainees. The Public Defender of Georgia reported that out of 327 detainees visited, 225 alleged ill-treatment, with 157 displaying visible injuries.
Georgian watchdog organisations have criticised the judicial process, highlighting delays and the manipulation of criminal charges against protesters. They examined 50 criminal cases, of those 6 persons were detained during the protests in April-May 2024 and 38 arrested during the protests after November 19 and 28. Watchdog organisations note the arrests appear aimed at suppressing dissent.
Since November 28, 2024, the Government’s tactics for suppressing peaceful, legitimate protests have escalated to a new level of severity, with the following incidents:
- Torture, inhuman and degrading treatment of a large group of demonstrators and media representatives; the majority of the arrested people have been beaten;
- Violation of not only the rules for employing active special means (water cannons, tear gas, pepper spray), but also using them in ways that pose significant risks to life and health;
- Attacks by informal criminal groups against demonstrators and media representatives;
- Targeted persecution of media representatives, in some cases leading to injuries and hospitalisation;
- Unlawful arrests under administrative offences (up to 500 individuals were affected by arbitrary arrests);
- Unlawful search of citizens in public places, search and seizure operations in private residences/offices; applying criminal law mechanisms against the demonstrators (up to 40 individuals are arrested);
- Threats against public servants – in addition to the physical violence, the Government attempts to suppress freedom of expression of public servants through direct or indirect threats regarding their dismissal and calls for their resignation;
- Amending the legislation to target individuals with different opinions, particularly, amendments have been made to the following Laws: the Law of Georgia on Public Service; the Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations; the Law on Police; the Administrative Offences Code.
It is concerning that, to this day, no thorough investigation has been conducted into law enforcement’s abuse of power during the protests against the so-called Russian law or the subsequent demonstrations since November 28. No individuals have been held accountable for these actions.
The persistent failure of the Special Investigation Service (SIS) to address crimes committed against protesters and journalists suggests a pattern of negligence, raising serious concerns about its complicity in enabling and perpetuating this violence.
Journalist arrested, faces up to 7 years in prison
On January 11, 2025, Mzia Amaghlobeli, founder and director of the independent publications Batumelebi and Netgazeti, was arrested in Batumi while participating in a protest. Initially detained on administrative charges for attempting to place a sticker promoting a national strike scheduled for January 15, she was released after 2 hours, only to be re-arrested 15 minutes later near the Batumi police station. This second arrest led to criminal charges of assaulting a police officer, specifically Batumi police chief Irakli Dgebuadze, whom she allegedly slapped during a verbal altercation. The charge, under Part 1 of Article 353¹ of the Criminal Code, carries a potential prison sentence of four to seven years. Local and international watchdogs have condemned Amaghlobeli's arrest and pre-trial detention, viewing it as an attack on press freedom. On January 14, Georgian independent media outlets conducted a three-hour preventive strike in protest, and subsequent demonstrations occurred in both Batumi and Tbilisi on January 17, demanding her release.
A video from the incident shows Amaghlobeli slapping Chief Dgebuadze during a confrontation involving multiple police officers. Supporters argue that the footage lacks context, alleging that Amaghlobeli was subjected to verbal abuse and mistreatment by the police prior to the incident. They contend that the charge of "assault" is disproportionate, suggesting that, at most, her actions constituted "insulting a police officer," an administrative offense.
Amaghlobeli's legal team and human rights organizstions have raised concerns about her treatment in custody, alleging that she was denied access to legal counsel, drinking water, and restroom facilities for several hours following her second arrest. They also claim that Chief Dgebuadze verbally abused and spat on her during detention. The Georgian Young Lawyers' Association (GYLA) has called for an investigation into these allegations and has criticized the court's decision to remand Amaghlobeli in custody, arguing that the preventive measure was unjustified. On January 20, it became known that Amaghlobeli had begun a hunger strike, which she continues to this day.
By mid-January, human rights organisations had documented numerous cases of detainees experiencing ill-treatment in custody. Reports emerged detailing the physical abuse of activists, including prominent figures such as opposition politician Aleko Elisashvili, who claimed he was severely beaten while in detention. Meanwhile, the Special Investigation Service remained inactive, refusing to investigate these allegations.
The case has drawn significant attention to the state of press freedom and the treatment of journalists in Georgia, many view it as indicative of broader political repression against independent media.
International organisations condemn the actions
Criticism from the international community has been strong. The European Union, the United States, and human rights organisations have called on the Georgian government to reverse these repressive measures. The European Parliament has passed a resolution urging sanctions against officials responsible for human rights violations, while diplomats have warned that Georgia’s democratic regression could jeopardise its aspirations for EU membership. The Council of Europe's Human Rights Commissioner has stressed the importance of protecting the right to peaceful assembly and expression, warning that the current trajectory places Georgia in violation of international human rights obligations. Further, several UN Special Rapporteurs have called for a thorough investigation of the use of police force during protests.
The adoption of the repressive amendments marks another step toward authoritarianism, further shrinking Georgia’s democratic space. If fully implemented, they will significantly limit civic freedoms, making it more difficult for activists, civil society organisations, and independent media to operate without political interference. International condemnation and domestic resistance continue to mount, and further mobilization of civil society and international actors will be crucial in opposing these restrictive measures.
To counter these threats, advocacy groups must continue pushing for legal challenges, international diplomatic pressure and public awareness campaigns. Without urgent intervention, Georgia risks further isolation from democratic allies and increasing social unrest as public frustration grows. The erosion of fundamental freedoms threatens not only activists and journalists but the future of Georgia’s democracy itself.